Berlusconism , Ivory Towers and political engagement as an aristocratic pursuit.

The article I paste at the end of this post is from India News of all press and dates back to 2008 when the current Italian Prime Minister gained back its lost grounds. However how interesting all this still sounds.

It refers to Alexander Stille "Citizen Berlusconi" book,( Stille is a former Italy correspondent and currently a professor of international journalism at
New York's Columbia University, he published his book in 2006 when Berlusconi was already one of the world's most talked-about politicians).

By the way whilst the book was widely available and encountered interest, the documentary with the same title, "Citizen Berlusconi", has been banned in Italy.
( please find here the link to watch it: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LhOJc1JBpKI)

This is only one of the many stories that characterise the current situation in Italy: serious and poses dramatic challenges to every Italian but particularly to public intellectuals and artists. Lately some Italians at least, are finally responding in a visible and audible way.

In France it was possible to write a book like "The Meaning of Sarkozy", the first English translation of Badiou's angry meditations after Sarkozy's election, and it was possible for Badiou to be interviewed widely on national television, it was possible to be written about. The "Rat Man", as he calls Sarkozy in the book, did not necessarily lashed out at Badiou, nor did his party.

It has not been so in Italy.
Recently one of the most outspoken and intelligent Italian journalists, Santoro has risked to have his successful current affairs analysis program, Anno Zero, not just questioned but shut down by the Italian RAI and more menacingly one of his main collaborators , Ruotolo, has received credible death threats on the 6/10/2009( three groups have already formed on Facebook to support him with a total of over 15.000 people in only 4 days).

I guess the time has come for Italian and not only Italian, intellectuals to begin systematically addressing the void that indeed calls for theorizing and therefore for a presence that is just not occurring now.

Lucy Wandham -again of all references- writes in another conservative journal, New Statesman,that Badiou's book reveals his " rather aristocratic tastes, combined with his passion for equality",and that this leads Badiou " to an inevitably quixotic conclusion: forget elections, forget direct action, just hold on to the Platonic idea of revolution, "the communist hypothesis".

I have been accused to have locked myself in a contraddiction by founding the type of non profit organization I have founded and to be pursuing a rather aristicratic exercise with it.

The reality is that if engaging in society has become an aristocratic exercise, than the sinister alternative is to stay still and aloof,( ironically the old fashioned stereotype for aristocracy)and possibly alone, but-attention- well kneeding within the doughy mass, hypnotised by media and mass culture and as immobile as possible.
This surely is the fluidity citizens Sarkozy and differently Berlusconi want to see running. Well what about launching a rare stance?

ARTICLE

'Berlusconism' fast becoming a universal phenomenon
Rome, April 3 (DPA) Most analysts expect Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi to meet defeat in Italy's
April 9-10 general election. Even so, 'Berlusconism' is alive and well and no country should feel
entirely immune from it, an American journalist and author warns in his latest book, tracing the life of
the media mogul-turned-premier.
Alexander Stille, a former Italy correspondent and currently a professor of international journalism at
New York's Columbia University, has published a new book on one of the world's most talked-about
politicians titled 'Citizen Berlusconi'.
The book retraces the life and achievements of Berlusconi, from the uncertain origins of his $12
billion fortune to his controversial performance as prime minister over the past five years.
While foreigners often tend to brush off the Berlusconi phenomenon as 'folkloristic' - by focusing on
his recent promise to give up sex or his tendency to compare himself to the likes of Jesus Christ or
Napoleon - Stille argues that it would be wrong to dismiss Italy's premier as an isolated clown on the
world's political scene.
'At first glance, Berlusconi may appear a bizarre, incomprehensible and strictly Italian phenomenon,'
Stille writes in his book, 'but if looked at more closely, he appears as an avant-garde figure, who
embodies many of the main trends present in modern-day politics.'
These include money, control of the media, celebrity status and an uncanny ability to be liked. In
fact, Stille believes there are signs of Berlusconism creeping in several other countries around the
world, including Venezuela, Russia and the US.
'Take (US Vice President) Dick Cheney, in spite of the fact that he represents the exact same
policies of George W. Bush, he could never have been elected president. Why? Because Cheney is
unpleasant while Bush is seen as a nice guy,' remarks Stille.
Research into recent US elections has shown that the nice candidate, the one who comes across
better on television, wins virtually every time.'
In fact, the roots of Berlusconism can be traced back to the US of the 1980s, when former
Hollywood actor Ronald Reagan stormed to power thanks to his charm and fame.
The other essential ingredient of Berlusconism, control over the media, can be found in the
modern-day Russia of Vladimr Putin.
'What is the first thing that Putin does after winning the elections? He uses the power of the state to
intimidate the oligarchs, he kicks out independent journalists, takes over the television stations and
then holds an election with almost no critical voices heard,' says Stille.
Another follower of Berlusconism is Hugo Chavez of Venezuela, who Stille says has 'changed
Venezuelan laws and the constitution to gain more power, intimidates the opposition media and has
his own television programme, Alo' Presidente! (Hello, President!), in which he is a combination of
TV host and prime minister.'
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Berlusconi's 'post-modern' style of politics relies on another key factor: an ability to communicate
easily and directly to all, regardless of their culture or education.
'Berlusconi communicates in a human, appealing way. While others use a vague, abstract language
that is difficult to follow, Berlusconi utters short, easy to understand concepts like 'meno
tasse per tutti' ('less taxes for all'),' Stille notes.
So what are the signs that a country may be at risk of Berlusconism?
'The most obvious one is lack of pluralism in media ownership. The other is the absence of checks
and balances and conflict of interest rules that prevent, say, a media owner from running for office.'
( © IANS / India eNews)